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- <text id=92TT1163>
- <title>
- May 25, 1992: Perot and His Presidents
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1992
- May 25, 1992 Waiting For Perot
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- COVER STORIES, Page 34
- ROSS PEROT
- Perot and his Presidents
- </hdr><body>
- <p>He portrays himself as an outsider, but in the Washington game
- of money and muscle he is actually the consummate inside player
- </p>
- <p>By MARGARET CARLSON -- With reporting by Melissa August/
- Washington
- </p>
- <p> Ross Perot bases his crusade for the presidency on being
- an outsider, a political ingenue who wouldn't know a
- Gucci-shoed lobbyist if he tripped over one. This reformer would
- have the public believe he has nothing in common with the fools
- in Washington. He supports a ban on "these guys with their
- alligator shoes," who swarm over the halls of Congress trying
- to open loopholes large enough to drive their leased Jaguars
- through.
- </p>
- <p> The problem is that Perot is one of these guys, albeit in
- wingtips with a military shine. He has backslapped and
- arm-twisted with the best of them, winning lucrative non-bid
- government contracts and appealing decisions he didn't like to
- higher, more malleable authorities, having loosened them up with
- huge gifts. Beneath Perot's white shirts and CEO bluster beats
- the heart of an insider who has been playing the game for 25
- years.
- </p>
- <p> Although he talks as if he needs a visa to go inside the
- Beltway, Perot has dined at the White House, sailed on the
- presidential yacht Sequoia and lobbied the Oval Office, the
- Cabinet and Capitol Hill. In 1975, for example, he pulled off
- a coup most lobbyists only dream about. Late one night as the
- House Ways and Means Committee tied up the loose ends in that
- year's tax bill, then Democratic Congressman Phil Landrum of
- Georgia introduced an amendment that might have been the largest
- one-time tax break in history, granting Perot an unheard-of
- capital-loss carry-back. Perot had contributed more than $27,000
- to 12 members of the Ways and Means Committee. Ten of the
- recipients voted for the amendment, though it was later snuffed
- out in conference.
- </p>
- <p> A partial explanation of Perot's success is his
- equal-opportunity giving. In 1972 he forked over $200,000 to
- Richard Nixon's re-election campaign. Meanwhile, two Perot
- executives channeled $100,000 to the presidential campaign of
- Arkansas Democrat Wilbur Mills, then chairman of the House Ways
- and Means Committee. In 1974, according to Common Cause, Perot
- gave $90,000 each to the Republicans and Democrats. Although
- Perot has shown little regard for George Bush, he gave $8,000
- to Bush-Quayle committees and $51,000 to the Republican Party
- between 1979 and 1991.
- </p>
- <p> Perot has had access to Presidents since he first visited
- Lyndon Johnson at his Texas ranch. Perot was Ronald Reagan's
- kind of guy. Reagan appointed him to the President's Foreign
- Intelligence Advisory Board. Reagan thanked Perot for
- bankrolling three attempts to rescue American hostages in
- Lebanon. When he was Vice President, Bush arranged for Perot to
- have a private conversation with Reagan at Blair House to
- discuss American prisoners Perot believed were being held
- captive in Southeast Asia. Perot reported that the President had
- "personally asked me to stay on top of the issue." But when
- Reagan cooled on Perot's crusade, Perot reneged on an earlier
- promise of $2 million to the Reagan library.
- </p>
- <p> Of all the Administrations Perot has embraced, he was
- closest to Richard Nixon's. He was on the phone to the Nixon
- White House several times a week in 1970 and 1971. Sometimes the
- subject was casual, such as imploring a White House staffer not
- to eat on the plane so he could dine with Perot and his wife.
- Other times it was serious, such as agreeing to the
- Administration's request that he shore up Wall Street by taking
- over a nearly bankrupt brokerage.
- </p>
- <p> In addition to financial contributions, Perot paid the
- salaries of 10 Electronic Data Systems employees while they
- worked on Nixon's 1968 campaign. When the IRS challenged Perot
- for taking a deduction on his company's tax bill for his
- political contributions, the White House, according to a memo,
- was "modestly helpful" to Perot in his efforts to reach a
- settlement with the agency. The next year, he spent $1 million
- on newspaper ads and a 30-minute TV program called United We
- Stand to drum up support for Nixon's Vietnam policy. According
- to documents in the Nixon archives, some of Perot's access came
- on a promise to spend $50 million to get the President favorable
- coverage by buying a newspaper and a television network. (John
- Ehrlichman took the offer seriously enough to estimate the cost
- of a network takeover at $400 million.)
- </p>
- <p> Perot never put up most of the money, but he got the
- influence he sought. The Nixon White House helped free up
- $308,000 from the Social Security Administration, which claimed
- that Perot had overcharged for processing Medicare claims. It
- also helped Perot win a $62,500 contract without competitive
- bidding, even though it was over the $10,000 limit.
- </p>
- <p> In operating inside the corridors of power, Perot has not
- broken any laws. The Constitution protects the right of citizens
- to go wingtip to wingtip with their leaders. But if there is
- anything voters are asking of those who would be President this
- time around, it is that they be honest about who they are. At
- the moment, the poetry of the Perot campaign -- what he is
- selling and thousands of volunteers are buying -- is the image
- of a Texas outrider ready to represent the little guy against
- the power brokers and reclaim the country from moral paralysis.
- It is an appealing image in this year of voter unrest, but only
- to the extent that it is true.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
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